Photography: Temiloluwa Johnson / THE REPUBLIC.
THE MINISTRY OF ENVIRONMENT
The Bushmeat System, Hunting and the Conflict of Ethics
- PHOTOGRAPHY: TEMILOLUWA JOHNSON / THE REPUBLIC.
Photography: Temiloluwa Johnson / THE REPUBLIC.
THE MINISTRY OF ENVIRONMENT
The Bushmeat System, Hunting and the Conflict of Ethics
- PHOTOGRAPHY: TEMILOLUWA JOHNSON / THE REPUBLIC.
Hunters, armed with guns and accompanied by dogs, troop into Litan village. The day is bright, so one doesn’t only hear their bikes zooming their arrivals; their faces are also visible, so one sees the anticipation they bear for the game hunting slated for that afternoon. The earliest arrivals gather under the bamboo shed in front of the house of the traditional head of Litan. They’re focused on the tasks ahead of the day’s event: one blends gunpowder, another spreads dane guns out in the sun as part of the maintenance routine. Now and then, more hunters join the group, hailing as they approach, guiding their dogs to where the rest of the pack stands. Soon, there are smaller subgroups, all of them enveloped in the preparation.
Collaborative hunting like this is not new to these local hunters in the Obafemi-Owode local government area of Ogun State. On this day, the activity is initiated by Baale Litan in honour of Ogun, the Yoruba god of iron and the patron of hunters. Together with their host, the hunters will participate in the rituals required to worship the deity, one of which is killing bushmeat to dine on by nightfall.
As they wait for more hunting dogs, whom they claim are more committed to the work than their owners, who are running late, they lay out the agenda for the day. Their activities are subsumed under work and play. First, they’ll appease Ogun before heading to the surrounding bushes in search of animals. When Ogun listens, he protects. When he does, the refrain in the hunters’ slogan—ẹran á kú, ọmọ èèyàn á bọ̀ (the animal will die and the human will return unscathed)—is not a pack of empty words. Then, they will head to the forest and get to work. When they return, they’ll stand before Ogun in appreciation and slaughter a dog in worship. They’ll tend their games to fire and make merry far into the night. On days when collaboration is not ceremonial like this one, the sale of meat comes into the equation.
THE UTILITARIAN DIMENSIONS OF LOCAL HUNTING
Being a hunter is a way of life that exceeds merely hunting game, the local hunters admit in unison. They regard it as a system that holds religion, culture, socialization and even community security, but undeniably places livelihood at its centre.
No human is the lord of the wilds. This is the understanding that the local hunters display. It pushes them to study animals, classify them accordingly, and master how best they can be killed, especially in a fair chase. This way, they come to associate certain strengths, often physical and/or spiritual, with these animals and the potential dangers that come with hunting them as game. Thus, the hunters’ prayers to Ogun are often of perpetual protection from the forces of the wild. They believe that the deity ensures their safety, except that they err. Even when many of them practise Abrahamic religions, they still stay true to Ogun. The hunters of Obafemi-Owode are no exception.
Before heading to Litan, our journey began at Ajura, the village where we made our initial stop. There, Temiloluwa, the photojournalist, and I witnessed hunters pouring libations and prayers on the Ogun shrine. To allay the fear they believe we’d feel from seeing the ritual, they joked that the majority of them are either Christians or Muslims, just like us. It is no different at Litan. Here, the hunters are even quicker to root out any diabolical assumptions we may have formed about their rituals and belief system. According to them, purging their hearts of harmful intentions is even pivotal to the safety they seek as Ogun worshippers. ‘We only fortify ourselves against harm and pray to all return in one piece. Because it is only then that the hunting trip is considered a success,’ Hakeem Oloyede, one of the hunters at Litan, tells me.
Oloyede is a hunter with over 30 years of experience. These decades of hunting actively, he told me, have afforded him a front-row seat to the world of hunting at Obafemi-Owode. With this bit of information, he goes ahead to fully explain the nature of the hunting trip for which they have assembled that day through the binary of individual and group hunting. Conventionally, hunters go hunting individually at night. This is called ‘ọdẹ alẹ́’, a nocturnal hunting trip. ‘For ọdẹ alẹ́, we kill games at midnight and prepare them for sale the next day,’ he says. He goes on to describe daytime hunting as usually ceremonial. ‘Ọdẹ ọ̀sán’, he calls it. ‘A number of hunters from different localities hunt together during the day, as we’re about to do, often for a particular event. Today, that event is Odun Ogun (Ogun festival), which is being hosted by the head of this village, Baale Litan. So we have come to hunt games and feast.’
At Obafemi-Owode, a hunter’s participation in this kind of group hunting is based on invitations, and the trips can be outside his neighbourhood, the local government area, or even the state. ‘We can go anywhere to work, as long as we’re invited there,’ Oloyede explains. To understand how these invitations are passed across, one must recognize the hierarchical structures of the hunting society. At the state level is the Ogun State Professional Hunters Association which all hunters belong. Under it are the local government chapters, which are further divided into zonal units. According to Oloyede, the gathering at Litan comprises hunters from different zones of the Obafemi-Owode chapter who must have been informed by the chairmen of their various zones. He himself is a member of the Shiwun zone, an area we passed on our way from Ajura before travelling through an expanse of thicket to reach Litan. These associations give the hunters a form of identity they take pride in. One is a green overall uniform that some of the hunters have on. Oloyede said: ‘Our uniforms are one of the ways we prove our membership. We also plaster stickers of our logo on our guns. So when we meet policemen while carrying arms, they don’t apprehend us.’
This recognition also enables them to take on the extra work of guarding their localities and warding off invaders. The Obafemi-Owode local government, for instance, has lived in fear of attacks by suspected Fulani herdsmen for a long time. In 2019, nearly all the residents of Pakudi village in the local government fled in fear of a retaliatory invasion after one farmer in the area killed a herdsman who allegedly led his cattle to graze on the former’s farm. The mere sight of herdsmen gathered in groups even triggers panic in the communities. At Ajura, we saw the hunters ask for Ogun’s help in conquering the Fulani herdsmen’s reign of terror. On our way to Litan, another hunter recounts the details of the previous day to the driver—the herdsmen had overrun a farm with cows and hunters had led the team that drove them out. ‘When a community is under the attack of the herdsmen, we’re often called to rescue them and this has been happening for a long time,’ Oloyede says.
The belief that they have a duty to protect their people from harm sometimes defines the night hunting experience. ‘Hunting trips are different at night because we’re not only out for animals but also miscreants like thieves,’ says Oloyede. They try to fight back, but our fortifications help us overpower them a lot of times. We could tie them up till daybreak when everyone can see them.’ Their services are sometimes sought for this effect. ‘We also work as security guards for houses, streets, estates, or companies where we follow the orders of the person who engaged our services—to tie up any offender we catch till they (employers) show up,’ he divulges. This also balances the dual interpretation of their title in Yoruba: ọdẹ, which can mean a hunter or a security guard, depending on the context.
Diversifying their incomes, in ways like providing paid security services upon request and engaging in other trades, is typical among the hunters of Obafemi-Owode. It also becomes necessary to make ends meet, as Oloyede says, because hunting can be a gamble in which one wins today and kills game and loses many more days after that. Tí ọdẹ bá rò’ṣẹ̀, tó bá rò’yà, tó bá p’ẹran kò ní fún ẹnìkan jẹ. If a hunter takes his struggles in the wild to heart, he would keep all his game for himself. Still, Oloyede describes the occupation as a lucrative one. He explains:
The profit we make from selling bushmeat can be massive, as it is in high demand. We can’t eat all that we kill and by the time we return from our hunting trips, there are already buyers lined up for the game. The larger part of our customer base is food sellers. Others are traditional medicine vendors who need certain parts of the animals to make remedies and even masquerades. We also skin the animals (waterbucks, particularly) and make rugs with their hides.
For longer than they can remember, hunters of Obafemi-Owode have lived this life of making the most of their tools, skills, and games for themselves and their immediate communities at large.
HUNTING ETHICS AND THE YORUBA SCOPE OF WILDLIFE CONSERVATION
In their relations with animals, around whom their occupation revolves, there are rules that Yoruba hunters are expected to live by. A lot of them lean towards ethics. In ‘Animals In The Traditional Worldview Of The Yoruba’, Professor of Yoruba Literature, Ajibade George Olusola, sheds light on the perception of animals in Yoruba culture and the ethical considerations that arise from human-animal interactions. This means that some animals are spared at certain times or for various reasons. Lore, myths, and other elements of fear are then employed to ensure the hunter’s compliance.
The vulture and ground hornbill, according to Ajibade, are part of the revered animals. Thus, it is forbidden to kill or eat them. This belief is further reinforced by a proverb that states that anyone who kills them must start counting their days or months on earth. Likewise, hunters are forbidden from killing animals while they’re mating. In Ajibade’s submission, this restriction is borne from the reluctance to disturb sexual activities between humans, without exempting animals, hence indicating the ‘moral concern’ that Yoruba people have towards animals. ‘This is to show that the Yorùbá believe that animals like humans are able to feel pain, pleasure, joy, fear, and so on. That is why this kind of taboo is strictly adhered to, especially by the hunters, and a violation of the taboo may turn against them, i.e. they may have a similar experience when they are with their wives.’
The taboos and myths vary endlessly, carrying the tales of undesirable consequences should someone overstep a line with animals. This topic causes a momentary debate among the hunters. One party agrees that hunters (should) avoid the animals regarded as taboo for them to kill. They go on to cite times when they or someone they know adhered to such rules. Another party disagrees, questioning the validity of these restrictions. One of them, a man who’s rather insistent on stating his opinion vehemently, says that it is often coincidental that hunters come across bigger and rarer game when killing them is considered taboo. ‘If a hunter avoids them each time he sees them, what then is he looking for in the forest?’ he questions his fellows rhetorically to drive home his point.
This conflict of opinions illustrates the challenges of wildlife conservation in Nigeria. Nevertheless, it proves that traditionally, ethics is not a novel subject in the practice of hunting in the Obafemi-Owode community and by extension, Yorubaland as a whole. The cultural insistence on sparing mating and pregnant animals also presents as a vital way of conserving wildlife and growing their population through procreation. Yet, hunters in Ogun state have made the news for killing wild animals that are deemed treasures of wildlife. The protected areas for biodiversity in the state are also constantly reported to be threatened as the population of wild animals continues to decline. A more careful observation of the worldview of hunters in these communities in the state reveals a gap: their idea of wildlife conservation differs from the state’s. Hence, they don’t necessarily understand the methods being used to protect wildlife and what they achieve, even when they comply with the laws.
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WILL WILDLIFE FOREVER MULTIPLY?
The population of wildlife is reportedly dropping worldwide. In the last 50 years, there has been a 73 per cent decrease in the average population of wildlife. Amongst other reasons, (over)hunting has been cited as a major danger to wildlife and a chief cause of defaunation. In West and Central African countries like Nigeria, bushmeat trade by hunters in local communities has been responsible for the decline of wildlife in the regions. Across the world, the resulting threat of (quicker) extinction of animal species and the risk it poses to the ecosystem has stirred global wildlife conservation efforts.
The hunters of Obafemi-Owode believe that wildlife is inexhaustible. That, to them, is the reason hunting has endured time as an ancestral occupation. Oloyede likens this to land. ‘Our fathers have always sold lands, yet here we are doing the same and there are still countless parcels of land waiting to be sold. It is the same way animals can’t and won’t stop reproducing, he boasts.
The conversation about the government’s role in protecting wildlife in Ogun State reveals a relationship between the hunters and the state. Oloyede tells me about ‘Ode state’, a collaborative hunting expedition that was held a few weeks before. An annual tradition, it involves hunters from all local government areas and zones in the state who head into a protected area to hunt for bush meat that will be then distributed to the stakeholders in the state, including the governor. He says:
We spend about two to three days in the location we call Igbo Reserve (forest reserve). When we return, our chairmen take charge of sharing the meat to the intended recipients. This is an indication that our association exists and is active. Because the game is for the people it’s dedicated to, we have no share. However, the hunter who kills an animal is entitled to its head, neck, breast (chest), its intestines and a thigh. This event is like a festival. We drink, eat, and make merry all night after the distribution.
Asani Kelani, the Baba Ode of Obafemi-Owode, explains that the hunters are only permitted in the forest reserve just once in a year. A media announcement is often made throughout the state to signal the commencement of the event. In the absence of this, the local hunters know to never get near the forest. He says: ‘We’re forbidden from the forest reserve because it is controlled by the government. If one goes there to kill animals or fell trees without necessary permission, they’ll be apprehended.’
The hunting of bushmeat in a protected area, although legal for the hunters as it is done with the state’s permission, because of its vast range of wildlife presence, points to the depletion of wild animals in the indigenous communities and the constant yearning to strike when the opportunity to kill bigger game presents itself. ‘In Igbo reserve, there’s no shortage of animals. It’s in the thick forests of Ijebu Igbo,’ Oloyede says.
Kelani initially maintained Oloyede’s stance about what will become of the wildlife population. He says: ‘Animals die, just like humans do. God created them to be a food source for us. Ọlọ́run dá ẹran pé kí a máa jẹ́ ni. Games won’t finish in the wild, just as humans won’t.’ That said, he starts to speak about the shortage of these animals across Ogun State, especially as hunting persists and their habitats are threatened by deforestation, which claims land for real estate.
Kelani was born in Litan in the mid-1940s. His father’s house, whose initial mud structure peeked beneath its concrete makeover, stood opposite Baale Litan’s. Kelani points to it, saying that during his childhood in the village, hunters hardly had to venture far from there before they killed considerable numbers of game. By the time Nigeria gained independence in 1960, Kelani had travelled to Lagos in search of greener pastures. He returned home around the late 1960s, a time he described as Mobolaji Johnson’s tenure as the military governor of Lagos state. When he returned, he began to kill bigger game that are now fast disappearing from neighbouring forests. Like Oloyede, he points at the thick reserve forest at Ijebu as the home of bigger game.
Later, we see firsthand what the two hunters describe about the difficulty that now comes with catching game. We follow the hunters into the forest surrounding the village to watch them catch animals. As we fgo urther, we see large clearings and home foundations. For more than four hours, the score of hunters and their dogs toil, chase, shoot, and at intervals, lament. At the end, the team emerge with two animals that they dismiss as small games: a small antelope and a grasscutter.
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THE BALANCING ACT
The protected area that the hunters refer to is the Omo Forest Reserve in the Ijebu province of Ogun State. The reserve, which was established in 1925, has for long been regarded as a biosphere reserve where there is an abundance of biodiversity. It is no surprise that the annual activity the hunters refer to as ‘Ode State’ takes place there. At its inception, local hunters were granted rights to hunt wildlife and other animals. This acknowledges how much wildlife matters to people in indigenous communities for their livelihood.
The hunters echo this reliance when they say their ancestors have always hunted animals for food and other uses. While the role of protected areas like Omo Forest Reserve is to preserve biodiversity, hunting in the communities that surround them represents an economic lifeline and cultural heritage that cannot be dismissed. There must exist a balance that considers traditional methods of the people in their relations with animals and favours sensitisation of the people, while ensuring that the conservation of wildlife doesn’t occur solely at the expense of communities and their means of sustenance⎈
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