Photo illustration by Dami Mojid / THE REPUBLIC. [L-R] Algeria’s Houari Boumédiène, Iraq’s Saddam Hussein and Iran’s Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. / WIKIMEDIA.
THE MINISTRY OF political AFFAIRS
Algeria’s Golden Opportunity
Photo illustration by Dami Mojid / THE REPUBLIC. [L-R] Algeria’s Houari Boumédiène, Iraq’s Saddam Hussein and Iran’s Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. / WIKIMEDIA.
THE MINISTRY OF political AFFAIRS
Algeria’s Golden Opportunity
Algerian diplomacy finds its roots in the nation’s revolutionary heritage, forged during the Algerian Revolution starting in 1954 and institutionalized through the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (GPRA) from 1958–1962. Acting as the legitimate representative of the Algerian people, the GPRA played a critical role in negotiations leading to the 19 March 1962 ceasefire and the Évian Accords of the same year. These milestones not only brought an end to the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) but also formalized the conditions for Algeria’s decolonization after 132 years of French rule. By securing international recognition for Algeria’s right to self-determination, the GPRA established a seminal precedent wherein diplomatic engagement, rather than armed struggle alone, proved instrumental in the articulation of postcolonial sovereignty, shaping the foundational ethos of the Algerian state. The legacy of these formative years—epitomized by Algeria’s status as the ‘Mecca of Revolution’—set the normative framework for its foreign policy. Algeria’s endurance and resistance against the violent and often genocidal barbarities of French colonialism positioned it as an experienced advocate for international security in the post-independence era, reflected in important mediation efforts, such as the 1975 Algiers Agreement between Iran and Iraq and the 2000 peace efforts in the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict.
This revolutionary narrative, while inspiring, can sometimes risk romanticizing Algeria’s diplomatic record, overshadowing the complexities and constraints of translating principles into actionable strategies. As Algeria rounds off its tenure as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in late 2025, it is worth reflecting on the long-term impact of Algeria’s mediation record, including the degree to which underlying structural issues were resolved, follow-through mechanisms sustained, and regional rivalries managed.
ALGERIA’S ROLE IN COMBATING REGIONAL AND TRANSNATIONAL THREATS
Algeria has long positioned itself as an active player in addressing regional instability and transnational threats, employing a multifaceted approach combining mediation, humanitarian assistance and counter-terrorism strategies. Its mediation in the Tuareg conflicts in Mali of 1996, 2006, 2007 and 2015 underscores its dedication to regional peace. But the fall of the Algiers Accords for Peace and Reconciliation in Mali, following Mali’s official withdrawal on 25 January 2024, exposed the challenges of addressing deeply rooted structural and political issues amid growing insecurity and competing interests. In addition, the increasing transnational militarization of the Sahel, led by external actors, has complicated Algeria’s ability to assert regional leadership, often sidelining its diplomatic initiatives.
In 1999, Algeria led the adoption of the Organization of African Unity’s Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism and established mechanisms such as the Early Warning System and the African Centre for the Study and Research on Terrorism in Algiers. While these initiatives reflect Algeria’s strategic foresight, implementation gaps and inconsistent regional cooperation have hindered their effectiveness. Similarly, Algeria’s contributions to NATO’s Mediterranean Dialogue—a partnership initiative launched in 1994 to promote regional security cooperation between NATO and Mediterranean countries—and its participation in and operations like Operation Active Endeavour, a maritime counter-terrorism mission in the Mediterranean Sea initiated in 2001 in response to the 9/11 attacks, bolstered its global counter-terrorism credentials. However, its emphasis on state-centric approaches has sometimes been perceived as insufficient in addressing grassroots drivers of extremism.
Beyond terrorism, Algeria has expanded its security agenda to tackle interconnected threats such as organized crime, drug trafficking and the illicit trade in small arms. On migration, Algeria has also advocated for shared responsibility among origin, transit and destination countries. While these positions highlight Algeria’s recognition of the multifaceted nature of modern security challenges, the lack of measurability in outcomes in some areas may undermine the sustainability of its strategies. Algeria’s policies have also occasionally faced criticism for prioritizing securitization over human rights.
The country’s contributions to African security mechanisms, such as the African Union’s Peace and Security Council, similarly demonstrate a commitment to continental stability. Yet, critiques have emerged regarding the consistency of Algeria’s leadership within such frameworks, especially in light of internal challenges and fluctuating diplomatic priorities. Algeria’s non-permanent membership on the UNSC (2024–2025) has served as a strategic platform to advance its dual priorities of African sovereignty and multilateral conflict resolution, though tangible mediation outcomes remain constrained by structural geopolitical realities.
Within the African context, Algeria has stood out as a vocal advocate for institutional reform, notably during an August 2024 high-level debate where it demanded expanded African representation on the UNSC to rectify historical marginalization in peace and security deliberations—a stance consistent with its longstanding Pan-Africanist posture. Its mediation credentials were symbolically reinforced by unanimous UNSC recognition of its leadership in facilitating Mali’s 2015 Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, though implementation remains stalled amid the junta’s consolidation of power. On procedural equity, Algeria successfully lobbied to eliminate discriminatory document-access practices within the Council, a rare but meaningful institutional victory for smaller states.
Algeria’s substantive diplomatic efforts—such as opposing ECOWAS military intervention in Niger (advocating instead for a negotiated six-month Nigerien transition plan in August 2023) and sponsoring ceasefire resolutions in Sudan and Gaza—have strengthened its credentials as a global South interlocutor. However, these moves have so far produced more rhetorical than operational gains, reflecting the limits of non-permanent influence. Even its procedural blocking of the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara mandate expansions, while tactically reinforcing its pro-Polisario stance, underscores a preference for symbolic solidarity over transformative mediation. Ultimately, Algeria’s tenure has only highlighted the tension between aspirational advocacy (on the basis of African agency and equitable governance) and the entrenched hierarchies of UNSC decision-making—a dynamic that will likely continue to define its post-2025 diplomatic trajectory.
In addressing long-standing disputes, Algeria’s endorsement of the Saudi-proposed Arab Peace Initiative, adopted at the 2002 Arab Summit in Beirut, offers Israel full normalization of relations with Arab states in exchange for a complete withdrawal from post-1967 territories, recognition of Palestinian statehood with East Jerusalem as its capital and implementation of UNGA Resolution 194 on the right of return for refugees. Algeria’s endorsement highlights its principled stance and commitment to collective frameworks for conflict resolution and alignment with the broader Arab consensus on key issues, particularly the Palestinian question. For instance, Algeria has consistently advocated for a two-state solution in international forums and has provided substantial political and material support to the Palestinian Authority, reinforcing its stance within the Arab League. Algeria also firmly supports the Sahrawi people’s right to self-determination in line with decolonization principles and international law, recognizing the Polisario Front as the legitimate representative of the Sahrawi cause and advocating for a UN-led referendum to resolve the conflict. But such efforts have faced objections for their perceived lack of innovative solutions and for being overshadowed by the influence of more dominant powers in multilateral negotiation processes.
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ALGERIA’S PRAGMATIC SHIFT: BALANCING DIPLOMACY AND INTERVENTION IN MENA
Shifting regional dynamics—particularly since the wave of popular uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) beginning in 2010–11—have prompted significant transformations in Algeria’s foreign policy and security doctrine. Historically rooted in the principle of non-intervention, Algeria’s approach has prioritized sovereignty as a protective shield against external meddling and as a cornerstone of its national identity. But this principle has increasingly come under strain in a regional context marked by state collapse, transnational threats and the erosion of traditional modes of conflict resolution.
The collapse of functional governance in Libya and Mali no doubt exposed the limitations of rigid non-interference. Sovereignty, when rendered meaningless by the absence of effective state structures, often becomes an enabler of insecurity, allowing non-state actors such as terrorist groups and organized criminal networks to exploit these vacuums. For Algeria, this has translated into direct threats, such as the 2013 Tigantourine gas facility attack, which demonstrated the vulnerability of its borders to regional instability. In this context, Algeria’s traditional reliance on diplomacy and mediation has proven insufficient to address the multifaceted challenges posed by state collapse and transnational dynamics.
Recognizing these limitations, Algeria has begun to recalibrate its security doctrine, signalling a pragmatic shift in its regional approach. The constitutional amendments of 2020, allowing the Algerian military to participate in peacekeeping and regional security operations, mark a dramatic departure from the country’s historical stance. This evolution reflects Algeria’s growing acknowledgement that its domestic security is inextricably linked to regional stability and that addressing contemporary threats requires a hybrid strategy that blends mediation with selective military engagement.
This recalibration is not just a response to immediate security challenges but a reflection of broader transformations within the MENA region. Since the 2010–11 uprisings, states have adopted more combative and less conciliatory postures as the regional security complex expanded. Traditional reliance on diplomatic pressure and economic incentives has given way to the predominant use of military coercion in managing interstate disputes. Concurrently, the principle of non-intervention has been diluted, if not abandoned altogether, as states grapple with the realities of interconnected and trans-boundary security threats.
By the same token, Algeria’s pragmatic reinterpretation of non-interference is also driven by the recognition that reciprocity, long central to its foreign policy, is insufficient in an interconnected regional landscape. Transnational threats, such as terrorism and arms trafficking, challenge the protective shield of sovereignty and necessitate a more proactive stance. The military, a dominant force in Algeria’s political and security architecture, has been pivotal in shaping this recalibration. Decision-makers have increasingly turned to the armed forces as a tool for managing interstate disputes, signalling a shift from accommodation to confrontation in Algeria’s dealings with neighbours.
Despite this shift, Algeria continues to prioritize its mediation legacy, seeking to balance its ideological principles with pragmatic realities. The country’s foreign policy now embodies a nuanced approach integrating preventive and cooperative measures to address regional instability. By leveraging mechanisms like the African Union and the Joint Military Command in Tamanrasset, Algeria aims to combine its diplomatic strengths with targeted military interventions, reinforcing its position as a stabilizing force in the region.
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ALGERIA VS MOROCCO: CONTRASTING STRATEGIES IN REGIONAL MEDIATION AND SECURITY
The interplay between regional mediations in North Africa and broader security frameworks presents a complex tableau, with Algeria and Morocco emerging as key actors whose strategies reflect competing visions for regional leadership and influence. From an Algerian diplomatic perspective, Morocco’s parallel diplomatic efforts in Libya and the Sahel are viewed through a prism of scepticism, rivalry and concern over potential encroachments on Algeria’s traditional sphere of influence. Algeria perceives Morocco’s actions as strategic moves designed not only to assert its regional leadership but also to counterbalance Algeria’s historical role as a dominant actor in North African diplomacy and pan-African initiatives. This perspective is rooted in Algeria’s post-independence foreign policy principles, which emphasize sovereignty, non-interference and collective security frameworks.
Algeria regards Morocco’s active engagement in the Libyan crisis, particularly its hosting of the Skhirat Agreement of 2015 and subsequent inter-Libyan dialogues, as an attempt to also position itself as a mediator at Algeria’s expense. By hosting dialogues in Skhirat (2015), and Tangiers (late 2020), Morocco has framed itself as a facilitator of peace, aligning with European and international actors that prioritize regional stability. This approach, however, is seen by Algeria as both superficial and self-serving, aimed at enhancing Morocco’s global reputation rather than genuinely tackling the complexities of Libyan instability. Historically, Algeria has played a key role in fostering dialogue within Libya, leveraging its long-standing policy of non-interference and its status as a neighbour sharing a 1,000-kilometre border with the country. Algiers views this geographic reality as conferring upon it a unique responsibility—and right—to take the lead in addressing Libyan instability.
In the same year, Algeria succeeded in achieving a reconciliation agreement in Mali (later suspended by the military junta), further solidifying its role as a central mediator in regional conflicts. This achievement reinforced Algeria’s claim to leadership in regional diplomacy, emphasizing its commitment to sovereignty and African-led solutions while subtly contrasting its approach with Morocco’s growing involvement in the Libyan file.
From Algeria’s perspective, Morocco’s mediation efforts, while framed as ‘positive neutrality’, lack the immediacy and vulnerability that come with Libya’s border dynamics. Algeria believes that Rabat’s efforts are less about genuine mediation and more about crafting an image as a stable regional actor to gain favour with international powers, particularly the European Union (EU) and the United States. By projecting itself as a neutral party, Morocco sidesteps the complex realities of Libyan border security, which Algeria faces first-hand, such as arms trafficking and militant flows. This divergence has led Algiers to view Moroccan diplomacy as opportunistic and detached from the core realities of Libyan instability.
In the Sahel, Algeria perceives Morocco’s increasing presence as an encroachment on its traditional role as a security provider in the region. Algeria has long considered itself the linchpin of Sahelian security, a position it has solidified through initiatives like the Nouakchott Process, which deliberately excludes Morocco. This framework underscores Algeria’s preference for African-led solutions that align with its sovereignty-first doctrine and reduce the influence of external actors, including Morocco.
From Algeria’s vantage point, Morocco’s growing partnerships with Sahelian governments and its framing as a ‘vector of stability’ appear to undermine Algeria’s efforts to foster African-led security frameworks. Algeria sees Rabat’s initiatives as being backed by external actors, particularly the EU and the United States, who view Morocco as a more pliable partner in counterterrorism and migration control. This perception is compounded by Morocco’s security and intelligence collaboration with Israel, which Algeria views as a direct threat to the Maghreb’s autonomy from foreign intervention.
Infrastructure projects offer another lens through which Algeria interprets Morocco’s actions in the Sahel. Algeria’s push to revive strategic projects, such as the trans-Saharan gas pipeline to Nigeria, digital cables and highways, is part of its broader effort to counter Morocco’s infrastructural ambitions. From an Algerian diplomatic standpoint, such projects are not only tools of economic development but also instruments of geopolitical influence designed to assert Algeria’s centrality in African affairs. Morocco’s competing initiatives are thus viewed as deliberate attempts to sideline Algeria and fragment African unity by aligning with external actors and promoting alternative frameworks.
Algeria’s interpretation of Morocco’s parallel diplomacy is inseparable from the Western Sahara conflict, a cornerstone of its foreign policy. Algeria perceives Rabat’s moves in Libya and the Sahel as part of a broader strategy to gain international legitimacy and diminish scrutiny over the Western Sahara issue. Meanwhile, Morocco’s normalization of relations with Israel has introduced new dynamics into the Maghreb’s geopolitical landscape, heightening Algeria’s concerns about external involvement in the region.
CENTRING ALGERIAN AGENCY AMID MULTIPOLAR MEDIATION
The profound transformations in the global system—characterized by the erosion of the unipolar order historically dominated by the United States and the emergence of multipolar dynamics driven by states like China, Russia, the Gulf States and regional actors—necessitate careful navigation for Algeria to assert its influence and maintain its strategic autonomy.
The growing significance of the Maghreb and the African Sahel as contested corridors (routes for migration, trade, energy and the movement of armed groups) underscores the need for Algeria’s diplomatic recalibration. These regions—increasingly pivotal to the strategic interests of global powers such as the United States, the EU, China and Russia—highlight the competitive pressures Algeria faces. In response, Algeria has sought to balance engagement with these powers while promoting a self-reliant foreign policy rooted in its non-alignment principles and long-term planning. But maintaining this equilibrium is fraught with difficulties, particularly as Algeria grapples with external pressures and internal constraints.
Algeria’s nuanced approach to foreign interventions in the Sahel exemplifies its attempt to adapt to these challenges. In the post-Hirak era, President Abdelmadjid Tebboune has articulated Algeria’s opposition to destabilizing foreign military presences, notably private military contractors like the Africa Corps/Wagner Group in Mali and Libya. While Algeria’s resistance to such interventions aligns with its general commitment to regional sovereignty, the geopolitical rivalries in the Sahel—including France’s declining influence and Russia’s increasingly assertive presence—complicate these efforts. Such dynamics underscore the limitations of Algeria’s diplomatic strategies in a region fraught with external interference and administrative fragility.
Additionally, Algeria’s concerns extend to the broader implications of shifting alliances and external military entrenchments. For instance, Russia’s reliance on logistical hubs such as the Hmeimim airbase in Syria to project power across Africa illustrates the interconnectedness of geopolitical strategies. Algeria recognizes that disruptions to these alliances, whether due to the instability of regimes reliant on Russian support or the declining effectiveness of external actors like the rebranded Africa Corps (formerly Wagner Group), present both risks and opportunities. While Algeria could capitalize on these shifts to enhance its role as a mediator, the proliferation of foreign interventions necessitates vigilance in safeguarding its regional interests.
In this evolving context, Algeria has sought to diversify its global partnerships, engaging not only traditional allies like China and Russia but also emerging powers such as Brazil, India and South Korea hrough trade and investment deals, energy cooperation, infrastructure projects, defence ties, educational exchanges and multilateral diplomacy. This strategic recalibration reflects Algeria’s appreciation of the shifting global order and its desire to maintain weight. However, Algeria’s ability to translate its aspirations into actionable outcomes is hindered by domestic challenges, including economic inefficiencies and institutional rigidity.
Efforts to address these limitations are evident in initiatives such as the 2020 establishment of the Algerian Agency for International Cooperation for Solidarity and Development, which aims to enhance South-South cooperation, coordinate international aid and strengthen Algeria’s development diplomacy, particularly in Africa. By leveraging its energy resources and enhancing economic diplomacy, Algeria aims to strengthen its influence in regional and global developments. Nonetheless, significant obstacles remain, particularly in achieving coherence in its strategic vision and reconciling its historical identity as a proponent of non-alignment with the realities of an increasingly multipolar world. In short, while Algeria’s adaptation to the changing global order underscores its resilience, the country must address its internal and external challenges that constrain its strategic potential in order to effectively steer these shifts in a redefined global hierarchy.
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A NEW STRATEGIC VISION
Algerian diplomacy stands at a crossroads, with a unique opportunity to redefine its role in a rapidly transforming global order. To move beyond the structural and systemic challenges that have historically constrained its influence, Algeria must embrace a proactive and innovative approach that aligns its historical legacy with the demands of the 21st century. By leveraging its geopolitical position, natural resources and cultural assets, Algeria can position itself as a leading actor in regional and global affairs.
Principally, economic diplomacy should become the cornerstone of Algeria’s foreign policy recalibration. By investing in renewable energy, green technology and value-added industries, Algeria can transition from a resource-dependent economy to a diversified powerhouse, attracting sustainable partnerships and international investments. Strategic economic partnerships with fresh players, such as India and Brazil, alongside established actors like China and the EU, can amplify Algeria’s influence in shaping global economic trends. Establishing Algeria as a hub for renewable energy in North Africa would not only enhance its economic resilience but also reinforce its soft power as a forward-thinking state. Equally important is reimagining Algeria’s regional leadership. The Maghreb and Sahel regions are fraught with challenges, from unresolved conflicts in Libya and Mali to growing foreign military entrenchments. Algeria should lead efforts to create a regional dialogue framework that prioritizes conflict resolution, economic integration and sustainable development. By proposing and championing strategies tailored to the Maghreb-Sahel region, Algeria could rally neighbouring states and international partners to address shared challenges through collaborative and inclusive mechanisms. This would position Algeria not just as a reactive actor but as a proactive architect of regional stability.
Institutional modernization is crucial for Algeria to meet the demands of a multipolar world. Reforming its centralized decision-making structures and fostering a professionalized, dynamic diplomatic corps would enhance Algeria’s ability and agility in responding effectively to global challenges. Public diplomacy should also be elevated, with Algeria utilizing its diaspora communities to build cultural and economic bridges, especially in regions like Europe and North America. In addition, Algeria’s lack of civil society involvement in its African public diplomacy arguably weakens the credibility of its messaging. Algeria should recognize and incorporate the understanding that most soft power resources reside within a country’s civil society rather than its government; public diplomacy messaging from governments is often regarded as dry propaganda and therefore fails to resonate.
On the global stage, Algeria must articulate a clear and consistent strategy for engaging with established powers while asserting its autonomy. Creating trilateral dialogues with players such as the United States, China and other African partners would demonstrate Algeria’s commitment to fostering balanced and constructive international relationships. Expanding its role within multilateral institutions, particularly in areas like climate change, digital governance and global health, would further reinforce Algeria’s reputation as a collaborative and solutions-oriented actor.
Since the 2000 Algiers Accord at the turn of the century, Algeria’s potential as a regional and global leader will now hinge on its ability to adapt to new paradigms of power and influence. By embracing innovation, fostering regional cooperation and harmonizing its multifaceted priorities, Algeria can transform its obstacles into opportunities, ensuring its resilience in an erratic international system that will also allow it to thrive as a focal shaper of global governance⎈
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