
Austerity, Inflation and the Plight of Ordinary Nigerians

Photo illustration by Dami Mojid / THE REPUBLIC.
THE MINISTRY OF BUSINESS X THE ECONOMY
Austerity, Inflation and the Plight of Ordinary Nigerians

Photo illustration by Dami Mojid / THE REPUBLIC.
THE MINISTRY OF BUSINESS X THE ECONOMY
Austerity, Inflation and the Plight of Ordinary Nigerians
Imagine waking up from a four-year coma in Abuja, Nigeria. How different would the country look? I may not have been in a coma, but after leaving in 2020 and returning in late 2024, I found a nation stricken with discontent.
My first visit to a supermarket left me stunned. I thought to myself: ‘How does the average person survive?’ My daily conversations quickly turned to complaints about food, bills, fuel and gas. It felt as if the country was on its knees. My shock was not just about the high prices but what they signified—policy-induced inflation, supply chain breakdowns and deeper systemic failures.
These rising costs are not random. They reflect the harsh realities of austerity, inflation and growing inequality. A closer look at government policies reveals how and to what extent they have exacerbated economic hardship, widened disparities and reshaped the daily realities of ordinary Nigerians.
THE COST OF SURVIVAL
Inflation was a running theme in my daily conversations on Nigeria’s economy, though few could explain why. The removal of fuel subsidies in mid-2023 sent shockwaves through the economy, doubling transportation costs and driving up commodity prices overnight. A taxi driver I spoke to had no knowledge of austerity but blamed the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration for his struggles. He lamented a dwindling customer base, rising fuel costs and the unbearable expense of car repairs and medical bills. ‘If I fall seriously ill, the hospital bill alone will finish me off,’ he said grimly. He concluded that, despite his hardship, others had it worse. The air in the open-windowed taxi felt heavy with hopelessness.
Before dropping me off, he asked if I had seen the city at night. He said the real transformation was only visible after dark. There was a mix of resignation and urgency in his tone that made me take his words seriously. Later, I took his advice. Driving through the city centre with a friend, I saw what he meant. The streets were lined with sex workers, many of whom were visibly young, likely in their early twenties or late teens. My friend explained that many were youth ‘corpers’ surviving on a ₦33,000 monthly stipend, which the government later increased to ₦70,000.
Is this simply a symptom of urbanization? Migration-driven informal economies exist worldwide, but the scale of economic desperation in Nigeria suggests something more. The August 2024 protests against the soaring cost of living highlighted this frustration. Many felt abandoned by the government, convinced they had nothing to lose and were willing to take extreme measures to survive.
My friend described a growing revolutionary sentiment in the city, comparing it to the uprisings of the past decade, from the Arab Spring to protests in Hong Kong, Brazil and Taiwan. Yet, history shows that many of these movements, despite their initial momentum, were violently suppressed or failed to achieve lasting change. Revolutions are often romanticized, but systemic transformation is rarely simple.
He also blamed Nigeria’s struggles on the previous administration’s failure to restructure debt, forcing the current government to implement austerity measures, floating the naira and removing fuel and electricity subsidies, to keep the government afloat. In theory, austerity is meant to create a path to economic recovery. In practice, particularly in developing economies like Nigeria’s, it often leads to more hardship.
The frustrations voiced by the taxi driver and my friend are not isolated complaints. They reflect a broader reality: austerity and inflation are not separate crises but interconnected forces that compound economic suffering. Understanding their interaction is essential to making sense of Nigeria’s economic turmoil today.
shop the republic
-
₦70,000.00 – ₦75,000.00Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product page
-
₦70,000.00 – ₦75,000.00Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product page
-
₦70,000.00 – ₦75,000.00Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product page
shop the republic
-
₦70,000.00 – ₦75,000.00Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product page
AUSTERITY AND THE ILLUSION OF STABILITY
Austerity refers to a set of government policies aimed at reducing public spending, typically in response to high national debt or fiscal deficits. This is done by cutting expenditures, increasing taxes, or both to stabilize the economy and restore financial credibility. While austerity is often implemented with promises of long-term economic stability, its immediate effects can be severe, particularly in countries like Nigeria, where many already struggle to make ends meet.
In practice, austerity translates into reduced public services, subsidy removals and social welfare cuts, disproportionately affecting vulnerable populations. Tax hikes further shrink household incomes, compounding the strain of rising living costs. Recent World Bank loans to Nigeria, such as the $2.25 billion secured in June 2024, came with conditions requiring fiscal discipline, including subsidy cuts and exchange rate liberalization. While these measures aim to stabilize the economy, they also limit Nigeria’s economic autonomy and prioritize debt servicing over social welfare.
Inflation has further compounded these challenges. As of December 2024, Nigeria’s inflation rate stood at 34.8 per cent, up from 15.92 per cent in 2022, with food inflation reaching 40 per cent. Rising import costs, currency devaluation and global supply chain disruptions have also contributed to higher prices of everyday goods. Analysts argue that reforms recommended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), such as exchange rate liberalization, have contributed to the naira’s depreciation. For instance, in a 2024 interview with Nairametrics, Professor Uche Uwaleke, Nigeria’s first professor of capital markets and the director of the Institute of Capital Market Studies at Nasarawa State University Keffi, voiced concerns regarding the sudden unification of exchange rates and subsequent devaluation of the naira. He emphasized that the fundamental weaknesses within the economy cannot adequately support a floating naira and suggested that the Monetary Policy Committee should opt for an incremental approach to rate adjustments rather than implementing drastic measures. Still, in its 2024 Article IV Consultation, the IMF commended Nigeria’s subsidy reforms and exchange rate unification, but the average Nigerian continues to struggle as wages stagnate while food, fuel and electricity costs soar.
Austerity measures such as subsidy removals and cuts to government spending are done with a specific goal in mind—curbing inflation. Economic theory suggests that declining inflation should, in theory, boost purchasing power by slowing price increase. Thus, these policies have been a response to Nigeria’s rising inflation. For instance, the price of a loaf of bread rose from ₦500 in 2022 to ₦1,500 in 2024. What were once basic staples are now luxuries for many, forcing households to make difficult choices between food, transportation and education. Despite the recent increase in Nigeria’s minimum wage to ₦70,000 per month from ₦30,000, the figure is still below union demands and further drops to about ₦52,000 when adjusted for inflation. By late 2024, food inflation alone stood at 40 per cent, meaning most households earning the inflation-adjusted minimum wage will spend over 60 per cent of their income on food, leaving less than ₦20,000 for rent and other essentials.
Early 2025 figures indicate inflation has dropped below 25 per cent, seemingly proving austerity’s effectiveness. However, herein lies the paradox: while inflation has fallen, household welfare has not necessarily improved. Austerity, by design, restricts government spending, limits wage growth and suppresses demand, reducing disposable income. Although lower inflation theoretically increases purchasing power, the benefits are offset by stagnant wages, rising unemployment and the continued erosion of public services. Stabilizing prices is meaningless if people still cannot afford necessities.
Keynesian economists argue that austerity, rather than alleviating economic distress, can deepen recessions by dampening demand. This has been witnessed in countries such as Greece and Argentina. Government spending cuts and tax hikes reduce consumer activity, slowing economic growth and triggering job losses. Even as inflation declines, many Nigerians still lack the financial means to participate meaningfully in the economy. The recent dip in inflation may suggest macroeconomic stability, but for most Nigerians, daily survival remains precarious.
Moreover, declining inflation does not guarantee lower prices across the board. A decline in the inflation rate does not stop an increase in the prices of goods and services, but simply means that these prices are rising at a slower rate. Essential goods like food and fuel remain subject to external market forces, speculative pricing and supply chain inefficiencies. Food inflation remains disproportionately high compared to general inflation, highlighting Nigeria’s reliance on imports, ongoing supply shortages and price manipulation by traders.
Thus, while inflation may be receding, the lived reality of Nigerians contradicts the assumption that lower inflation automatically improves economic well-being. Austerity-driven inflation control prioritizes fiscal discipline over immediate social welfare. This raises questions about whether alternative policies, such as targeted public investment, progressive taxation or wage-support programmes, could offer a more balanced path to economic recovery.
Austerity, while intended to restore economic stability, has deepened inequality. For those already on the margins, the squeeze is felt even more acutely. What was once a subsistence lifestyle has become a daily struggle for survival. In Nigeria’s case, subsidy removals and broader austerity measures have driven up essential costs, compounding inflation’s effects and creating a feedback loop where the poorest citizens suffer the most. Beyond inflation, these conditions have fuelled rent-seeking and exploitation, worsening economic divides.
shop the republic
THE ECONOMICS OF INEQUALITY
While inflation has declined, it remains high and does not impact all citizens equally. Those with fixed incomes, such as minimum wage earners or public servants, see their purchasing power erode rapidly. Meanwhile, individuals or businesses with access to capital or assets that appreciate during inflationary periods, such as real estate or foreign currency holdings, are better positioned to protect and even increase their wealth. This dynamic deepens inequality, making the economically vulnerable even more precarious while further enriching the elite.
In Nigeria, where regulatory oversight is weak, inflation and austerity create conditions for exploitative business practices. Price gouging, where businesses inflate prices beyond reasonable costs, thrives in times of economic uncertainty. Traders and suppliers often pre-emptively raise prices, citing ‘anticipated’ inflation. For example, in February 2024, the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission shut down Sahad Stores in Abuja for charging customers more than the shelf prices.
Similarly, hoarding is widespread. In February 2024, the Kano State Public Complaints and Anti-Corruption Commission uncovered multiple warehouses stockpiling food to create artificial scarcity. While hoarders profit from rising prices, ordinary Nigerians struggle to afford essentials. Such rent-seeking behaviours worsen inflation, while austerity measures limit the government’s ability to intervene.
Currency devaluation has also become a tool for wealth accumulation. As the naira weakens, those with foreign currency reserves exchange dollars or euros at increasingly favourable rates. When Nigeria removed currency controls in 2023, the naira plummeted, and dollar holders made windfall gains by selling at far higher rates. Meanwhile, salaried workers saw their earnings shrink in real terms as inflation surged.
Nowhere is this dynamic clearer than in real estate, where inflation and austerity intersect. Wealthy individuals and corporations buy up property, knowing that real estate appreciates during inflationary periods. This speculation drives up housing prices, making affordable accommodation increasingly out of reach for ordinary Nigerians. Despite this, government officials, such as Federal Capital Territory minister, Nyesom Wike, attribute rising housing costs solely to market forces, ignoring the role of speculative investment and economic manipulation.
Furthermore, the lack of robust regulatory frameworks not only allows predatory business practices but also incentivizes them (similar to real estate, where speculation and foreign currency hedging drive up housing costs beyond what ordinary Nigerians can afford). Corruption within regulatory bodies often means that perpetrators face minimal consequences and businesses exploit these conditions to maximize profits. This interaction between economic policy and systemic corruption makes it difficult for austerity measures to achieve their intended effects, as any potential benefits are undermined by exploitative practices that flourish unchecked.
The beneficiaries of this system are often those with the means to navigate and manipulate the economic landscape. Large businesses, wealthy individuals and even foreign investors can use inflation as a means to increase profit margins, while austerity reduces the government’s capacity to intervene through subsidies, welfare programmes or market regulations. The result is a system where those who already possess wealth and power accumulate more, while those who lack face increasingly dire circumstances.
The widening gap manifests in social consequences that are visible throughout the country. The rise of informal economies, such as the surge in sex work I described earlier, is a symptom of a society where legal and secure means of earning a living have become inaccessible for many. Note: although researchers and NGO reports have associated poverty with a rise in sex work, there is little quantitative data to affirm their claims due to the informal and often hidden nature of the industry. However, multiple studies do suggest that more women, particularly young and unemployed, have turned to sex work as a survival strategy. Niyi Jacob, in his 2019 study, ‘Poverty and Women Prostitution in Nigeria: A Study of Refugees and Displaced Women in Benin City’, highlights how economic hardship has pushed many women into sex work as a means of survival.
Interviews conducted by Ibukunoluwa Bose Olojede, Victor Ajulor Omoniyi, and Busayo Qazeem Ibikunle in their 2020 study, ‘Poverty and Sex Trade in Nigeria: Implications on Women’s Sexual Health’, indicate that worsening economic conditions, including rising unemployment, subsidy removals and inflation, have pushed more people into the trade. The study involved in-depth qualitative interviews with sex workers across multiple Nigerian cities, highlighting the economic desperation that drives many into the trade as a survival strategy. The authors note that many women enter the industry not out of choice but as a last resort to sustain themselves and their families. Reports from advocacy groups further this argument, with organizations like the Nigeria Sex Workers Association (Precious Jewels) documenting an increase in membership and demand for support services.
These trends reflect a broader reality: when a stable means of earning a living becomes inaccessible, people are forced into precarious alternatives. Youth unemployment and underemployment, compounded by the high cost of living, pushes individuals toward informal economies where exploitation is rife. As more people find themselves trapped in cycles of survival-driven labour, including sex work, the social fabric begins to fray, increasing the likelihood of deeper societal unrest.
While austerity policies may bring fiscal discipline and international approval, they come at a steep cost for ordinary Nigerians. Inflation, when unchecked or exploited, further entrenches inequality, turning economic policy into a lived reality of struggle. The question is not just whether austerity can stabilize Nigeria’s economy but whether it can do so without deepening poverty and undermining social welfare. Without a human-centred approach, policies designed to ‘balance the books’ risk pushing the majority further into hardship while a privileged few continue to profit from the conditions that impoverish others.
shop the republic
shop the republic
NAVIGATING ECONOMIC CHALLENGES THROUGH TARGETED SOCIAL POLICIES
The 2024 protests over rising costs and the minimum wage are not isolated events but rather indications of growing political discontent. When austerity measures and inflation create widespread economic hardship, citizens, especially youth, begin to mobilize, demanding change. The protest movements reflect a revolutionary sentiment that has the potential to destabilize the political landscape if left unaddressed. While this revolutionary atmosphere could lead to social transformation, it also carries the risk of violent conflict, as economic desperation often fuels extreme actions. Understanding these dynamics is essential for policymakers aiming to navigate these crises and implement reforms that can prevent further unrest.
Comparing Nigeria’s current economic situation with other countries that have experienced similar crises offers valuable insights. For instance, Greece’s austerity measures during its 2010–2018 debt crisis led to a severe recession, skyrocketing unemployment rates (peaking at 27 per cent in 2013) and increased poverty, somewhat similar to what Nigeria faces today. This suggests that darker days could lie ahead if corrective measures are not taken. Drawing lessons from these cases could inform Nigeria’s approach, advocating for policies that emphasize structural reforms, debt renegotiation and social protection measures that value the welfare of its citizens.
For austerity measures to be effective without sacrificing citizens’ well-being, Nigeria’s policymakers must consider alternative approaches that balance fiscal responsibility with social welfare. Several countries have implemented targeted programmes that Nigeria could adapt. For example, in 2003, South Africa introduced the Free Basic Electricity (FBE) policy to support indigent households in meeting their basic energy needs. The programme provides 50 kilowatt-hours of free electricity per household per month for grid-connected systems, sufficient for basic lighting, water heating, ironing and media access. This initiative ensures that low-income households have access to essential energy services without financial burden. Implementing a similar FBE programme could alleviate energy poverty among Nigeria’s low-income households, ensuring access to essential electricity services without exacerbating financial strain.
Alternatively, Nigeria could look to subsidize transport similar to how Egypt, in 2016, expanded a transport subsidy following the removal of fuel subsidies as part of an IMF-backed fuel reform programme. To counteract public transport price hikes, the government expanded public transport networks with state-regulated fare caps and introduced direct fuel price subsidies for registered public transport operators to prevent arbitrary fare increases. Expanding Nigeria’s public transport system with fare stabilisation mechanisms could prevent fuel price fluctuations from disproportionately affecting urban commuters.
Lastly, Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programmes could also be considered. Indeed, Nigeria has experience with such programmes, most notably under the Muhammadu Buhari administration (2015-2023) through the implementation of the 2015 National Social Investment Programme (NSIP), and more recently, the Tinubu administration launched the Renewed Hope Conditional Cash Transfer Programme in October 2023, aiming to provide ₦75,000 over three months to 15 million vulnerable households. This initiative was introduced to mitigate the socioeconomic impact of subsidy removals and other reforms. However, implementation has faced serious setbacks. In January 2024, the federal government suspended all NSIP schemes, including CCTs, amid allegations of corruption and operational inefficiencies. Though payments resumed in February 2025, questions remain about transparency, targeting, and impact.
Drawing from international examples like Brazil’s Bolsa Família, which links financial aid to school attendance and vaccinations, Nigeria could strengthen its CCT framework by building in accountability and integrating systems such as the Bank Verification Number and National Identification Number. While Bolsa Família has been credited with improving education and health outcomes, its poverty reduction outcomes remain modest, with qualitative improvements outpacing quantitative results. Nonetheless, it demonstrates that, when properly managed, CCTs can serve as valuable tools for social protection. Further, funding for Bolsa Familia has included support from global development institutions, such as a $300 million grant from the World Bank in 2023 to strengthen the programme, aiming to protect the income of poor families with young children and mitigate risks to their health and education prospects. This demonstrates global support and funding for CCT programmes.
Summarily, by adopting and adapting these targeted social policies, Nigeria can navigate its economic challenges more effectively, ensuring that austerity measures do not disproportionately impact the most vulnerable populations. While austerity typically calls for reducing government spending and eliminating subsidies, not all subsidies are created equal. Rather than broad-based subsidies like those on fuel and electricity, which benefitted both the rich and poor alike, these proposed social programmes, such as a food benefits expansion scheme, are more targeted and ensure direct support to the most vulnerable. Implementing such programmes requires careful planning, transparent governance and collaboration with international partners to secure necessary funding and technical support⎈