Tinubu’s Rough Road to the 2027 Elections Post-Buhari’s Death

Tinubu

President Tinubu receives former President Muhammadu Buhari, Katsina, 2025 / STATE HOUSE NG.

THE MINISTRY OF POLITICAL AFFAIRS

Tinubu’s Rough Road to the 2027 Elections Post-Buhari’s Death

The death of former president Muhammadu Buhari has put President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in a precarious political position where he risks losing the support of the north, which can cost him re-election in 2027.
Tinubu

President Tinubu receives former President Muhammadu Buhari, Katsina, 2025 / STATE HOUSE NG.

THE MINISTRY OF POLITICAL AFFAIRS

Tinubu’s Rough Road to the 2027 Elections Post-Buhari’s Death

The death of former president Muhammadu Buhari has put President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in a precarious political position where he risks losing the support of the north, which can cost him re-election in 2027.

The picture of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu bowing to the body of his predecessor, political ally and former president of Nigeria, late Muhammadu Buhari, shortly before he was buried, has stood as a profound testament to the heroic and stately burial that Tinubu made sure Buhari got. Not even Tinubu’s most ardent detractors could find anything to complain about in the way the president honoured his predecessor in life and after his death. Tinubu had asked his vice president, Kashim Shettima, to go to London and find out how Buhari was doing a few days before he died. When Buhari’s passing was announced on Sunday, 13 July 2025, Tinubu again asked Shetimma to proceed to London and accompany the return of the body to Nigeria. He was then at the airport in Katsina to receive the body and accompany it to Daura, the hometown of the former president and where he was buried. It was also where the aforementioned iconic photo was taken. It was deliberate, it was calculated and it was political because for Tinubu, everything, including the death of an ally, should be viewed from a political prism.

THE OPPOSITION THAT SHOULD HAVE BEEN

In the weeks leading up to the death of Buhari, a series of events took place that perhaps would not have bothered Tinubu if his predecessor had not passed away. Former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, announced his exit from the ruling party after he had lost out on the opportunity of becoming a minister in the Tinubu administration. Shortly after leaving the party, El-Rufai announced on social media that he had left the All Progressives Congress (APC) after consultation with Buhari, whom he claimed had given his consent. Shortly after, the former president, through his spokesperson, Garba Shehu, reaffirmed his commitment to APC. ‘I am an APC member and I like to be addressed as such,’ he had said. ‘I will try to popularize the party by all means.’ Buhari’s statement was not just an endorsement of his party but, by extension, the current party leader, Tinubu. It was also a vote of confidence that removed any doubt about Buhari’s political allegiance after leaving office. There was no doubt that, come 2027, Buhari would be willing to lead the re-election campaign of his successor, especially in northern Nigeria, where he had built a larger-than-life political profile.

Some members of what is supposed to be the main opposition party in Nigeria, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), came to the realization that at the half-year point of Tinubu’s presidency, they needed to make strategic moves if they stood any chance of defeating Tinubu in 2027. The party had struggled to put its house in order as internal crises rendered it weak. Former governor of Rivers State and current minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, has pitched his tent with the ruling party despite being a member of PDP.  Two PDP governors in the south, Sheriff Oborevwori and Umo Eno of Delta and Akwa Ibom states, respectively, defected to APC in 2025, while several lawmakers have followed suit, thereby strengthening APC’s chances ahead of the next general elections.

To address their political future, former vice president and serial presidential aspirant, Atiku Abubakar, convened key members of opposition parties and disgruntled members of APC, notably El-Rufai; former Anambra State governor and presidential aspirant, Peter Obi; former governor of Osun State and one-time ally of Tinubu, Rauf Aregbesola; former Senate president, David Mark and former governor of Rivers, Rotimi Amaechi to form a coalition, a move similar to what gave birth to APC in 2013. While APC was an amalgamation of existing opposition parties, Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), Action Congress of Nigeria and the All Nigeria Peoples Party, the new coalition either expressed support for the new platform but remained in their party or left their parties to join the already existing African Democratic Congress (ADC).

Tinubu did not seem to care about the machinations of the opposition as he continued to make strong political inroads. On the back of Buhari, he seemed to have the key northern states on lockdown and the support of members of CPC bloc who formed APC. For example, when it was rumoured that former minister of aviation, Hadi Sirika, had left APC for ADC, he denied this, adding that he ‘will always be where President Buhari is.’

President Tinubu was also gaining support in the North Central, with policies that clearly identified issues affecting the region. While former leaders went with the narrative of ‘one north’, Tinubu clearly recognized and courted the support of the distinct North Central region. For example, he approved the establishment of a Federal University in Southern Kaduna, a move that raised his profile in a region that has claimed to be marginalized by the Hausa-Fulani dominated group. Tinubu’s visit to Benue State following a bloody attack was applauded, as Buhari never went to the state despite the numerous bandit attacks that occurred in the state during his eight-year presidency.

With Tinubu’s political stock rising, he probably has started planning who his 2031 successor would be and how to make sure his political influence will not diminish after he leaves office. With Buhari’s passing, however, Tinubu is now in a position where his chances of being re-elected are beginning to diminish.

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WHO IS THE NEXT KING OF THE NORTH?

Three days after Buhari’s death, Atiku announced his resignation from PDP. Either by coincidence or planned, it was strategic as the vacuum left by Buhari’s passing has become a golden stool for whoever inherits it; if anyone is able to. Buhari’s twelve million-strong northern voting bloc presents an enticing opportunity for northern politicians to boost their political credibility ahead of the next general election cycle. While a seemingly insurmountable task, it is an attractive risk worth taking, which is why Atiku’s exit from PDP, a party where he has lost control to possibly ADC, could be the springboard to gaining control of the political bloc of the north.

Tinubu will likely be hoping that the worst that would happen would be a splinter of ideology, interest and followership where not one person will inherit the bloc support. While a splinter does not necessarily work in Tinubu’s favour, it removes the risk of one northern (opposition) political heavyweight gaining a massive electoral advantage against him as the southern support, though large, is still below average in the South South and South East.

Atiku is clearly not the only northern politician likely looking to capitalize on this tantalizing opportunity. The former governor of Kano State, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, who has had a red-cap movement in Kano and contested for the presidency in 2023, will also be looking to expand his Kwankwasiya movement. In late July, he accused the Tinubu administration of developing the south while neglecting northern Nigeria, a claim which the president’s spokesperson swiftly denied, but which points to how much Kwankwaso and his likes are willing to speak on behalf of the north for an opportunity to control the region.

Others like former Sokoto governor and incumbent senator, Aminu Tambuwal; El-Rufai; and former minister, Abubakar Malami, are among the politicians who may fancy their chances of stepping into Buhari’s big shoes.

The CPC bloc of APC is also likely to lose some members to the opposition as Buhari’s demise means they are free to seek their political relevance elsewhere without the guilt that would have come if they had done that while Buhari remained a member of the party. 

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THE ROUGH ROAD TO 2027

With limited available time, Tinubu has started to consolidate on his chances in the north, building on the few Buhari connections still available. For example, he invited the late former president’s son, Yusuf Buhari, to a special Federal Executive Council meeting, earning gratitude from Buhari’s family. He also announced the renaming of the University of Maiduguri to Muhammadu Buhari University of Maiduguri to honour the former president.

While these moves are gracious and commendable in honouring the former president, there is no doubt about the political undertone that they serve. Coming from Tinubu, whom many have accused of focusing on politics instead of governance since he was elected president, it is not too far-fetched to assume that Tinubu’s honourable action is also motivated by what he stands to gain politically.

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If Buhari were still alive, Tinubu would not likely be in this precarious political position where his 2027 chances are looking unlikely and his popularity in northern Nigeria is at risk. Like he did in 2023, Buhari would have supported Tinubu’s second term bid and improved his chances in the northern region. The dynamics have changed now with Buhari’s passing, and Tinubu will be looking to activate plan B (he probably has deployed it) to rally the northern vote. How he handles this unexpected and dicey situation will go on to define not only his 2027 outing but may define both the trajectory of his party and the country in the future. While Tinubu’s supporters will be hoping he will live up to his name as a political genius, his detractors have found an Achilles heel they will be planning to exploit ahead of 2027⎈

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