We cannot achieve considerable progress if women do not hold political power that puts them in strategic and decision-making positions. There is a school of thought that merely having women in positions of power does not automatically advance feminist agendas. I partly agree. However, that school of thought holds because there are fewer women on the playing field. The more women there are in power, the higher our chances of having feminist women in power. Additionally, we cannot look to elect only ‘perfect’ women. We would be putting ourselves at a disadvantage. Men elect and appoint the worst of them every day, and this does not cast aspersion on their gender. Nigerian men have ruled the nation since its independence; observe our current state. Although men have dominated our country, no one is saying they should not be elected to leadership positions. Why should women face that extra layer of scrutiny? 

Nigerian feminist political communication scholar Sharon Omotosho’s essay on the feminization of corruption depicts this bias of corruption against women. Male politicians indicted for corrupt acts have escaped vilification and returned triumphantly to political spaces. Meanwhile, the reverse is the case for female politicians, who once indicted for corruption, go into hiding and never return to the political space. Society views women as higher moral agents and, in turn, uses this belief to weaponize corruption against women in public office. We must also question the romanticization of the pain and struggles of women to access funding, creating the illusion of progress while our society continues to roll back the little wins we have amassed in the socio-political sector over the past decades. While gender imbalance continues across all sectors of the country, enabled by cultural and religious practices, it is the duty of civil society and media actors to embark on behavioural change communication and programmes to reverse some of these harmful beliefs and practices. However, these same stakeholders continue to promote discriminatory and harmful beliefs and practices. 

Nevertheless, it is not all gloomy, as there have been substantial wins in the past decade with the ratification and adoption of the Violence Against Persons Prohibition Act and the Child Rights Act. It took eight years after President Jonathan signed the bill into law in 2015 for the majority of the states to domesticate it. As of 2023, 34 states had domesticated it, and feminist and civil society organisations were at the forefront of states adopting the Act to make it effective. With previously progressive countries around the world now leaning aggressively towards right-wing policies, Nigerian civil society and feminist groups must restrategize and ensure this trend does not steer our policymaking directions into more discriminatory laws and policies. 

To make progress in women’s participation in politics, we must push for constitutional reforms that mandate quotas in political offices. The 35 per cent affirmative action must become a constitutional requirement. We must be careful not to fall into the trap of the previous proposals of increasing the number of available offices to accommodate women’s participation. The proposal to bloat the governance structure in an ailing economy is a white elephant. To make room for women, we need to reduce the number of men in the room, not expand it. There is a need for advocacy to have more women officers in the leadership of electoral bodies. Having more women in decision-making spaces also implies that women are making decisions in the institutions that place men in power. We need to establish special funding mechanisms for women running for office. Reducing party nomination fees is only a partial solution, as election campaigns and politicking account for a significant portion of electoral costs. 

There needs to be more collaboration and less shying away from projects or programmes that are revolutionary. It is a matter of balancing the numbers. If all women-focused groups and nonprofits embark on and show solidarity for revolutionary government, society will have no choice but to listen and conform. However, if only one or two groups demonstrate their commitment to revolutionary government, it becomes easier to exploit them as scapegoats and suppress ‘dissenting’ voices. Any movement that seeks to appease its oppressors into giving up power is unlikely to succeed. There is no dynamic where the oppressor willingly gives up their power or ‘allows’ you to gently usurp the status quo that favours them. Systems built on the backs and sweat of the oppressed class are calculative, unforgiving and designed to retain the structures that formed them. 

If we do not repudiate the current path we are on, Nigerian women will remain spectators in our country rather than decision-makers. The government must enact legally binding quotas. Funding must shift from endless meetings to direct political support. Civil society needs to abandon its cautious approach.  The time for cautious advocacy is over. Real power is never given—it is taken⎈