Togo’s Fifth Republic Is Here—But at What Cost?

Togo

Photo illustration by Dami Mojid / THE REPUBLIC. Source Ref: Eyadéma Gnassingbé and Faure Gnassingbé. YULIA PANEVINA / UN WOMEN, WIKIMEDIA.

THE MINISTRY OF POLITICAL AFFAIRS

Togo’s Fifth Republic Is Here—But at What Cost?

Long-standing fatigue with eroding civil liberties and authoritarianism in Togo has culminated in an outbreak of youth-led protests following constitutional changes ushering in Togo’s Fifth Republic. Is the creaking Gnassingbé dynasty finally under threat?
Togo

Photo illustration by Dami Mojid / THE REPUBLIC. Source Ref: Eyadéma Gnassingbé and Faure Gnassingbé. YULIA PANEVINA / UN WOMEN, WIKIMEDIA.

THE MINISTRY OF POLITICAL AFFAIRS

Togo’s Fifth Republic Is Here—But at What Cost?

Long-standing fatigue with eroding civil liberties and authoritarianism in Togo has culminated in an outbreak of youth-led protests following constitutional changes ushering in Togo’s Fifth Republic. Is the creaking Gnassingbé dynasty finally under threat?

The small West African nation of Togo has a distinct political history featuring a 58-year Gnassingbé dynasty—including 20 years under the incumbent President Faure Gnassingbé—and a unique colonial history beginning with German rule from July 1884 to 1914, and Czechoslovakian and Danish colonization attempts following the First World War. The country is a key regional and international hub—with Port Lomé standing out as a leading West African port and Asky Airlines as the main pan-African airline serving West and Central Africa (with 40 per cent ownership from Ethiopian Airlines, alongside Ecobank, BIDC and BOAD). 

However, the country has recently entered a period of domestic and regional flux. On 3 May 2025, Togo fully entered its Fifth Republic, with Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé being sworn in as head of state under the new position of head of council of ministers. This transition to the Fifth Republic began a year earlier with constitutional reform on 6 May 2024, converting the presidential administration to a parliamentary government and changing the presidential position to a largely ceremonial one. Jean-Lucien Savi de Tové—an 86-year-old veteran—was unanimously elected president on 3 May 2025—empowered with merely promoting national unity—while Gnassingbé retains executive control under a new title with no term limit. 

The amendments have been labelled an ‘institutional’ or ‘constitutional coup’ intended to extend the dominance of the Gnassingbé dynasty, which has been in power since 1967, beginning with Gnassingbé Eyadéma, who ruled for nearly 37 years. Authoritarian inclinations, lack of transparency, electoral fraud and patronage structures have been the norm under both administrations, while the unstable regime has systemically suppressed dissent through a slew of human rights violations.  

Togo’s recent youth-led rallies, triggered by these constitutional reforms, reflect significant grievances and discontent, but have been greeted with a harsh response from security forces, including tear gas and live ammunition, resulting in many deaths, injuries and arrests. The ‘Hands Off My Constitution’ alliance of civic groups and opposition politicians have called for additional rallies, driven by a desire for change and a rejection of the existing quo. The recent increase in costs, particularly energy, has further aggravated grievances. Despite its rich cultural heritage and natural resources, Togo remains one of the poorest countries in Africa, with a staggering 56 per cent of its population living below the international poverty line and only 66.5 per cent of the population able to read and write. Although the African Development Bank (AfDB) and others expect Togo’s GDP to expand 5–6 per cent in the coming years, due in part to agricultural, industrial and service sector advances—extreme poverty and inequality undercut this expansion. 

A CONSTITUTIONAL CROSSROADS

Togo has had a turbulent history of successive republics since its independence from France in 1960. The First Republic (1960–1967) under President Sylvanus Olympio was marked by authoritarian rule, yielding to a subsequent coup in 1963, bringing in Nicolas Grunitzky as president; and another in 1967, bringing about Eyadémas regime. This Second Republic (1967–1979) was characterized by repression, corruption and economic stagnation; and while the Third Republic (1979–2005) introduced multiparty elections, Eyadémas grip on power remained firm. The Fourth Republic (2005–2024) saw Faure Gnassingbé succeed his father Eyadéma, but despite some reforms, Faures rule has similarly been marked by controversy and opposition.  

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In addition to the establishment of a new powerful executive position of president of the council of ministers (PCM)—which President Faure now occupies—the constitutional revision in March 2024 eliminated citizens right to vote directly for the countrys leader, and instead empowers the National Assembly to elect the PCM, incidentally dominated by the ruling Union pour la République (UNIR) party. Togos senatorial elections on 15 February 2025 were an important step in the countrys transition to its Fifth Republic. The elections, initially scheduled for 2 February 2025, but postponed to accommodate requests from political parties, resulted in the ruling UNIR party winning a landslide victory with 82.9 per cent of the seats or 34 of 41 seats. These senatorial elections established Togos second parliamentary chamber, the Senate, as mandated by the countrys new constitution adopted on 6 May 2024, but solidified the UNIR’s dominance in Togolese politics. The elections were also seen as a test of the countrys democratic evolution, with the government aiming to promote inclusivity by setting a lower candidate deposit fee for women. While the new republic may bring more reforms, UNIRs dominance sustains democratic concerns, while the PCM’s power consolidation poses serious accountability and transparency concerns. Togos constitutional amendments have also heightened concerns about democratic regression across the West African region and the world community more broadly. 

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THE SAHELIAN LEAP

Togo’s administration, spearheaded by foreign minister Rober Dussey, has more recently been considering joining the Confederation of Sahel States (Confédération des États du Sahel; CES)—also known as the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), partly to boost regional cooperation and to give landlocked AES members access to the sea via Togos coastline and Lomé. Togos growing commerce with AES nations is reflected in their accounting for 74 per cent of its trade by August 2024. But a switch from ECOWAS to CES would have significant implications. Togo’s hosting of the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development (EBID), an important regional development bank, reflects Togos long-standing strategic management of regional alliances to balance economic and diplomatic goals. 

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The CES, which includes Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, also normalizes authoritarian rule without the democratic norms and aspirations of ECOWAS. Togo’s consideration of the CES may therefore help it abandon democracy and facilitate authoritarianism—another determined attempt to consolidate control without democratic pretences. President Gnassingbé’s 2021 visit to France, where he visited President Emmanuel Macron, stressed bilateral cooperation and Togo’s quest for autonomy, while the withdrawal of French troops from parts of the Sahel has increased Togo’s ambition to minimize this dependence on France and ECOWAS. This reflects a larger trend among Sahelian nations rethinking their regional and international affiliations and strengthening connections with alternative partners such as Russia and China.  

Togo’s governing class, led by President Gnassingbé, has thus continued to master the art of appearing democratic while in fact being otherwise—a deception that has kept the Gnassingbé dynasty in power for over 50 years. This may indeed allow President Gnassingbé to consolidate his power and possibly run for a lifetime, like his father. 

Togo’s quickly unravelling Fifth Republic highlights the limitations of increasingly transparent attempts to manipulate the country’s populace through malleable titles and new alliances. These constitutional modifications have significant implications for democratic growth, regional cooperation and economic integration; while the consolidation of power within the ruling class, the deterioration of individual liberties, and the possibility of leaving ECOWAS have major consequences for Togo’s democracy

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