Considering that NAM and the Bandung Conference are products of the Cold War era and the wave of independence struggles, much evolution that has taken place, especially as global governance is becoming increasingly multipolar. As a result, countries of the ‘Global South’ are often switching diplomatic alignments to favour collective development and shared growth paths.

From the nineteenth-century imperialist scramble for Africa, to the ravages of the ‘Cold War’ during the 20th century, African nations have caught on and recognized this present era as one of proactive diplomacy, dynamic relations and intentional cooperation. These factors call for versatile policymakers and effective governance. Countries of the ‘Global North’—still in the habit of paternalism—view proactive changes and drives for self-determination in Africa as ill-fated pursuits, leading individuals like the commander of US Africa Command, General Michael Langley, to berate Burkina Faso’s president, Captain Ibrahim Traore, for not prioritizing the fight against terrorism—ignoring the facts on the ground in Burkina Faso, such as popular support from the people for the changes in mode of governance and socioeconomic policies.

This brings into focus the Alliance of Sahel States (Alliance des États du Sahel; AES)—a newly formed group that has effectively overturned the geopolitical status quo, especially in western Africa. Following the spate of coups that took place from 2019 until 2023, Burkina Faso, along with Niger and Mali, saw massive government upheavals that swept away the tradition of civilian politicians and bureaucrats in government, bringing in the military instead. While coups are not uncommon occurrences in African countries, the difference this time was the character of the ruling juntas in these countries. This time, there was much popular support from the citizenry, who had grown frustrated with the incompetence of the former ruling powers. Moreover, the decisive manner through which the junta made productive changes in education, agriculture and security also demonstrated to the populace a political will that has been long absent in Africa as a whole.

Niger and Mali have evicted the French military from their respective territories—effectively ending all military engagements between them and an imperial power—while Burkina Faso and Niger have nationalized their gold and uranium, respectively, as strategic resources. Without surprise, this has put the Euro-American bloc in somewhat of a tailspin because the long-established traditions of neocolonialism are being broken in real-time. This is exposing the fractures within the European Union, for example, where the US-backed proxy war against Russia has resulted in the loss of the Nord Stream gas pipeline that supplied cheap gas to European households. This has left politicians and policymakers either scrambling for energy source alternatives in northern African countries such as Morocco and Algeria, or looking to the US for the far more expensive Liquefied Natural Gas. The point here is that there is a major disconnect between the development priorities of Europe and Africa. While Europe has its own security concerns, with a focus on migration and stability of energy supply lines, African countries are seeking alternative partnerships to confront issues around jump-starting their economies while taking larger roles in diplomatic and geopolitical frameworks such as the BRI, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), and the Global Development Initiative.

Like many countries of the ‘Global South’, African nations have little incentive to staunchly align with any global powers, and it is evident that these complex relations are being managed while aiming to find a strategic sweet spot that affords partner countries the benefits of shared development and balanced cooperation—‘win-win scenarios’ as promoted by China. Interestingly, countries of the ‘Global South’ are becoming more effective in maintaining their non-aligned stance while engaging partnerships apparently set up by rivals, essentially walking a diplomatic tightrope of sorts. An instance is South Africa, which has been a participant in the US’s African Growth and Opportunity Act, while being a founding member of BRICS, with Chinese and Russian critical security partners even conducting naval exercises with them in 2023. The year 2022 also saw many African countries refuse to adopt the Euro-Atlantic bloc’s stance on sanctioning Russia in its special military operation in Ukraine, going to show that in its basic form, the spirit of non-alignment as promoted at Bandung is alive.

The counter to these findings, however, is that while African nations have moved to condemn the paternalistic and neocolonial tendencies of global economic policies, there is still a dependence on the structures and institutions that brought forth these policies. African nations and many other ‘Global South’ countries still find themselves hostage to factors like unequal exchange, odious debt, and security dependence. Unfortunately, these facts have led many countries of the ‘Global South’ to compromise on principles of the Bandung spirit.