At present, a profound transformation is occurring in relation to communicational control and the political intervention of public opinion. To illustrate this point, consider the government’s recent proposed legislative amendments to the electoral law. These legal changes are being met with strong opposition from the public, and this resistance is manifesting not through the conventional channels of democracy, but rather through the utilization of social networks.

The sequence of events commenced in a manner consistent with previous instances: the government submitted its proposal to the National Assembly, and the minister responsible, Adão de Almeida, a well-groomed, cultured and smiling jurist, appeared on television to provide an explanation of the law. After this, however, the situation underwent a reversal. On social networks, members of the opposition, activists, legal professionals and other individuals initiated a widespread movement to repudiate and criticise the law.

The belief is that if the law is passed, it will make electoral monitoring more difficult, because although it is based on apparently correct legal techniques, it creates clear challenges for the main opposition party. This is because it would have to mobilize a huge amount of human and computer resources to monitor the counts at each polling station. The political commentariat has historically regarded the main opposition party, UNITA, as lacking in organization. The simplification of the process, therefore, and the abolition of intermediate procedures and documental synthesis, effectively preclude any possibility of meaningful oversight, rendering the opposition unable to exert credible control over the results.

The internet landscape in Angola is undergoing a period of significant transformation. According to the minister responsible for communications in Angola, Mário de Oliveira, the number of internet users in Angola increased from approximately 6.6 million in 2020 to 12 million in 2024 . The government official cited Angola as an exemplar, noting that the African continent has witnessed a substantial surge in internet users over the past three years, a growth trajectory that has significantly outpaced other regions worldwide. This figure is reasonably similar to the number of voters, although they do not coincide, as a significant proportion of internet users are under the age of 18. It does, however, represent a fairly large population mass where criticism of the government is prevalent, moving away from normal processes and traditional means. The classical channels through which democracy is typically channelled—namely, an assembly of representatives of the people (parliament) and informed by the official media (television, radio and newspapers)—no longer function in the same way.

The exponential increase in the number of users is matched by a significant increase in so-called influencers, in this case, political ones. There are numerous examples of this phenomenon, but let us consider the case of Gangsta77, (an alias of Nelson Adelino Dembo), who created a Facebook page while apparently exiled to South Africa, at least according to his statements, and who has amassed a following of 535,000 individuals. The objective of his social media presence is to incite a non-violent overthrow of the government through the organization of events such as general strikes, ‘panelaços’ (banging pots and pans) and ‘stay-at-home’ protests. These are publicised via his Facebook page, with minimal success in terms of real-world impact, yet substantial virtual support.

It is also important to note that a multitude of individuals, in addition to the aforementioned Gangsta77, employ social networks and digital platforms as instruments to voice their discontent regarding perceived injustices, orchestrate demonstrations, and stimulate discourse on matters of political and social significance. Among the most prominent figures there are Adolfo Campos, a well-known advocate for civic engagement; Gilson da Silva Moreira, known by his artistic moniker Tanaice Neutro, a politically outspoken rapper; Hermenegildo André, popularly called Gildo das Ruas, an activist rooted in grassroots mobilization; Abraão Pedro Santos, widely recognized as Pensador, a commentator on political reform and youth issues; and Laurinda Gouveia, a committed human rights defender and co-founder of a democratic civic movement, have each played significant roles in Angola’s evolving landscape of dissent and activism. These activists have attempted to mobilize civil society, frequently encountering legal challenges in the form of defamation lawsuits, which underscores a salient risk posed by social networks: the delicate balance between freedom of expression and the dissemination of falsehoods and slander. Gouveia has been instrumental in raising awareness among women of their inclusion in the political system and has been a vocal advocate for the participation of women in Angolan politics.