Israel’s Uncertainty in Africa

On 6 October 1973, Egypt and Syria launched a surprise attack on Israel, marking the commencement of the Yom Kippur War. One often overlooked consequence of this war was Israel’s significant diplomatic setback in Africa. During and following the war, 20 African nations severed ties with Israel, a move that remains one of the most profound diplomatic catastrophes in Israel’s history. This decision was particularly impactful, considering that in the 1960s, Israel had cultivated deep relationships and established a substantial presence across the African continent.

Fifty years later, on 7 October 2023, Israel was once again taken by surprise. Hamas commandos stormed Israeli territory from the Gaza Strip, resulting in over 1,400 Israeli casualties and 200 hostages. Following the attack, Israel declared war on Hamas, bombarding and invading the Gaza Strip. Unlike 1973, however, this time, the African response is deeply divided and is reflective of the current state of Israel’s alliances on the continent.

MIXED RESPONSES

In the immediate aftermath of the attack by Hamas, Kenya, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, South Sudan, Zambia, Togo, Cameroon, Malawi, Gabon, and Madagascar expressed sympathy with Israel and strongly condemned Hamas. Rwanda expressed sympathy with Israel but in late October, the country also provided humanitarian aid to Gaza. On the other hand, several of Africa’s Arab League members, notably Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Mauritania, and Djibouti, have placed the responsibility for the conflict on Israel. South Africa was one of the few non-Arab League members in Africa to clearly condemn Israel. Also critical of Israel was the AU Chairman, Chadian Moussa Faki Mahamat, who accused Israel of ‘war crimes’. The rest of the continent maintained neutrality, either expressing general calls for de-escalation or showing complete silence. Some of those states also included countries with strong bilateral ties with Israel, such as Ethiopia, Uganda, and Angola. Tanzania, which had two of its citizens abducted by Hamas (one of them was recently confirmed dead), also maintained a neutral stance.

Another test for African position vis-à-vis Hamas’s attack and Israel’s siege on Gaza occurred at the United Nations. On 27 October, the international community voted on the question of a ceasefire and the humanitarian situation in Gaza. It included language that Israel and its allies criticized for its failure to condemn Hamas. Africa’s vote was split again: Cameroon, Cabo Verde, Ethiopia, South Sudan, and Zambia abstained; several African countries (among them, Rwanda, Togo, and Liberia) did not cast their vote (a move that is often interpreted as abstention). However, most African states, including Kenya, the DRC, and Ghana—nations that are usually supportive of Israel—voted in favour of the resolution which called for an ‘immediate, durable and sustained humanitarian truce.’

On the same day, the UN voted to ratify a Canadian amendment that included condemnation of Hamas. Here, Israel’s interests were more favourably considered. Cabo Verde, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, and South Sudan supported this pro-Israeli amendment; Angola, Botswana, Côte d’Ivoire, the DRC, Ethiopia, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Mozambique, and Togo abstained. Some countries, including Israel’s allies Cameroon and Zambia, did not cast a vote, a fact that turned out to be crucial, as the draft only lacked three votes from being adopted by the required two-thirds of the assembly. Israel’s critics in northern and southern Africa objected to the amendment. Interestingly, they were joined by some countries with long-standing relations with Israel: Uganda, Tanzania, Senegal, and the Central African Republic. In early November, Chad and South Africa escalated their censure of Israel and called their diplomats back from the country for ‘consultation.’

ISRAEL’S AFRICAN DIPLOMACY IN THE NETANYAHU ERA

In the last few decades, Israel has made substantial efforts to strengthen its relations with African states. Benjamin Netanyahu, who has been at the helm of Israel’s government since 2009 (with a brief one-year break), was particularly dedicated to expanding Israel’s presence and alliances on the continent. In recent years, Israel established three new embassies in Africa (in Accra, Kigali, and Rabat), in addition to the nine existing embassies, and opened two new economic attachés (in Nairobi and Accra). Netanyahu has visited Africa five times, more than any other Israeli prime minister.

Most importantly, Netanyahu’s goal of expanding national recognition and normalization of relations between Israel and the Muslim world (recently under the logic of the Abraham Accords) significantly manifested itself on the continent. Under Netanyahu, Israel renewed or established ties with South Sudan (2011), Guinea (2016), Chad (2019), Morocco (2020), and Sudan (2020-23). According to various reports from the last few years, Israel (directly or through the US) was negotiating normalization with several other Muslim-majority African states, among the possible candidates, Mauritania, Somalia, Libya, and Djibouti were mentioned.

ISRAEL’S UNCERTAIN STATUS IN AFRICA

Despite Israel’s expanding relations with African states in recent years, Israel’s overall diplomatic position on the continent has been challenged on several fronts. Nine African nations continue to steadfastly refuse either recognition of the State of Israel or the establishment of diplomatic relations with the country. These states are predominantly Muslim and are situated in North Africa (Libya, Tunisia, and Algeria), the Sahel region (Mauritania, Mali, and Niger), the Horn of Africa (Somalia and Djibouti) as well as the Comoros. Despite the recent efforts, there seems to be no advancement in new normalization deals with those countries, and the ensuing Israel-Hamas war critically undermines those efforts.

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Israel’s Uncertainty in Africa

MIXED RESPONSES

ISRAEL’S AFRICAN DIPLOMACY IN THE NETANYAHU ERA

ISRAEL’S UNCERTAIN STATUS IN AFRICA

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Asher Lubotzky

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